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The Russia which emerged from the terrible civil war after the 1917 Revolution was far from the Bolsheviks' original ideal of a non-exploitative society governed by workers and peasants. By 1921, the regime was weakened by widespread famine, persistent peasant revolts, a collapse of industrial production stemming from the civil war, and the consequent dispersal of the industrial working class ­ the Bolsheviks' original base of support. To buy time for recovery, the government in 1921 introduced the New Economic Policy, which allowed private trade in farm products (previously banned) and relied on a fixed grain tax instead of forced requisitions to provide food for the cities. The value of the ruble was stabilized. Trade unions were again allowed to seek higher wages and benefits, and even to strike. However, the Bolsheviks maintained a strict monopoly of power by refusing to legalize other parties.
After the death of the Revolution's undisputed leader, Lenin, in January 1924, disputes over the long-range direction of policy led to an open struggle among the main Bolshevik leaders. Since open debate was still possible within the Bolshevik Party in this period, several groups with differing programs emerged in the course of this struggle.
The program supported by Nikolai Bukharin ­ a major ideological leader of the Bolsheviks with no power base of his own ­ called for developing agriculture through good relations with wealthy peasants, or "kulaks." Bukharin favored gradual industrial development, or "advancing towards Socialism at a snail's pace." In foreign affairs, Bukharin's policy was to ally with non-Socialist regimes and movements that were favorable to Russia.
A faction led by Leon Trotsky, head of the Red Army and the most respected revolutionary leader after Lenin, called for rapid industrialization and greater central planning of the economy, financed by a heavy tax on the kulaks. Trotsky rejected the idea that a prosperous, human Socialist society could be built in Russia alone (Stalin's slogan of "Socialism in One Country"), and therefore called for continued efforts to promote working- class revolutions abroad. As time went on, he became bitterly critical of the new privileged elite emerging within both the Bolshevik Party and the Russian state.
Joseph Stalin, General Secretary of the Bolshevik Party, was initially considered a "center," conciliating figure, not clearly part of a faction. Stalin's eventual supremacy was ensured by three successive struggles within the party, and only during the last did his own program become clear.
First, in 1924-25, Stalin isolated Trotsky, allying for this purpose with Grigori Zinoviev and Lev Kamenev, Bolshevik leaders better known than Stalin himself, whom Trotsky mistakenly considered his main rivals. Stalin maneuvered Trotsky out of leadership of the Red Army, his main potential power base. Next, Stalin turned on Zinoviev and Kamenev, using his powers as head of the Party organization to remove them from party leadership in Leningrad and Moscow, their respective power bases. Trotsky, Zinoviev, and Kamenev then belatedly formed the "Joint Opposition" (1926-27). With Bukharin's help, Stalin easily outmaneuvered the Opposition: Bukharin polemicized against Trotsky, while Stalin prevented the newspapers from printing Trotsky's replies, organized gangs of toughs to beat up his followers, and transferred his supporters to administrative posts in remote regions. At the end of 1927, Stalin expelled Trotsky from the Bolshevik Party and exiled him. (Later, in 1940, he had him murdered.) Zinoviev and Kamenev, meanwhile, recanted their views in order to remain within the Party.
The final act now began. A move by kulaks to gain higher prices by holding grain off the market touched off a campaign against them by Stalin. Bukharin protested, but with the tradition of Party democracy now all but dead, Stalin had little trouble silencing Bukharin. Meanwhile, he began a campaign to force all peasants ­ not just kulaks ­ onto state-controlled "collective farms," and initiated a crash industrialization program during which he deprived the trade unions of all rights and cut real wages by 50%. Out of the factional struggle in which he emerged by 1933 as sole dictator of Russia, Stalin's political program of building up heavy industry on the backs of both worker and peasant emerged with full clarity.
The main feature of the New Economic Policy of 1921 was:

  1. a strict economic centralization.
  2. stimulation of the economy through deliberate inflation.
  3. a limitation of trade union activity.
  4. a relaxation of economic controls.

Answer(s): D

Explanation:

The author describes the details of the New Economic Policy at the end of Paragraph 1. The author lists the permission of private trade ­ which was previously banned ­ as one feature of the policy. Forced requisitions were eliminated and trade unions were allowed to be active again. In other words, the New Economic Policy relaxed economic controls ­ Choice D.
Economic centralization (Choice A) and deliberate inflation (Choice B) can be ruled out because they are not mentioned in the first paragraph. C directly contradicts the fact that trade unions were once again allowed to fight for higher wages and benefits and to strike.



The Russia which emerged from the terrible civil war after the 1917 Revolution was far from the Bolsheviks' original ideal of a non-exploitative society governed by workers and peasants. By 1921, the regime was weakened by widespread famine, persistent peasant revolts, a collapse of industrial production stemming from the civil war, and the consequent dispersal of the industrial working class ­ the Bolsheviks' original base of support. To buy time for recovery, the government in 1921 introduced the New Economic Policy, which allowed private trade in farm products (previously banned) and relied on a fixed grain tax instead of forced requisitions to provide food for the cities. The value of the ruble was stabilized. Trade unions were again allowed to seek higher wages and benefits, and even to strike. However, the Bolsheviks maintained a strict monopoly of power by refusing to legalize other parties.
After the death of the Revolution's undisputed leader, Lenin, in January 1924, disputes over the long-range direction of policy led to an open struggle among the main Bolshevik leaders. Since open debate was still possible within the Bolshevik Party in this period, several groups with differing programs emerged in the course of this struggle.
The program supported by Nikolai Bukharin ­ a major ideological leader of the Bolsheviks with no power base of his own ­ called for developing agriculture through good relations with wealthy peasants, or "kulaks." Bukharin favored gradual industrial development, or "advancing towards Socialism at a snail's pace." In foreign affairs, Bukharin's policy was to ally with non-Socialist regimes and movements that were favorable to Russia.
A faction led by Leon Trotsky, head of the Red Army and the most respected revolutionary leader after Lenin, called for rapid industrialization and greater central planning of the economy, financed by a heavy tax on the kulaks. Trotsky rejected the idea that a prosperous, human Socialist society could be built in Russia alone (Stalin's slogan of "Socialism in One Country"), and therefore called for continued efforts to promote working- class revolutions abroad. As time went on, he became bitterly critical of the new privileged elite emerging within both the Bolshevik Party and the Russian state.
Joseph Stalin, General Secretary of the Bolshevik Party, was initially considered a "center," conciliating figure, not clearly part of a faction. Stalin's eventual supremacy was ensured by three successive struggles within the party, and only during the last did his own program become clear.
First, in 1924-25, Stalin isolated Trotsky, allying for this purpose with Grigori Zinoviev and Lev Kamenev, Bolshevik leaders better known than Stalin himself, whom Trotsky mistakenly considered his main rivals. Stalin maneuvered Trotsky out of leadership of the Red Army, his main potential power base. Next, Stalin turned on Zinoviev and Kamenev, using his powers as head of the Party organization to remove them from party leadership in Leningrad and Moscow, their respective power bases. Trotsky, Zinoviev, and Kamenev then belatedly formed the "Joint Opposition" (1926-27). With Bukharin's help, Stalin easily outmaneuvered the Opposition: Bukharin polemicized against Trotsky, while Stalin prevented the newspapers from printing Trotsky's replies, organized gangs of toughs to beat up his followers, and transferred his supporters to administrative posts in remote regions. At the end of 1927, Stalin expelled Trotsky from the Bolshevik Party and exiled him. (Later, in 1940, he had him murdered.) Zinoviev and Kamenev, meanwhile, recanted their views in order to remain within the Party.
The final act now began. A move by kulaks to gain higher prices by holding grain off the market touched off a campaign against them by Stalin. Bukharin protested, but with the tradition of Party democracy now all but dead, Stalin had little trouble silencing Bukharin. Meanwhile, he began a campaign to force all peasants ­ not just kulaks ­ onto state-controlled "collective farms," and initiated a crash industrialization program during which he deprived the trade unions of all rights and cut real wages by 50%. Out of the factional struggle in which he emerged by 1933 as sole dictator of Russia, Stalin's political program of building up heavy industry on the backs of both worker and peasant emerged with full clarity.
An important feature of Bukharin's program was:

  1. a tax on the peasants.
  2. avoiding confrontations with the trade unions.
  3. forming alliances with friendly foreign regimes.
  4. maintaining open debate within the Party.

Answer(s): C

Explanation:

The features of Bukharin's program are listed in Paragraph 3. At the end of the paragraph, the author states that one of Bukharin's policies was to form alliances with non-socialist foreign regimes that were favorable to Russia. This makes Choice C correct.
Choice A is one of Trotsky's policies, not Bukharin's. Avoiding confrontations with the trade unions (Choice B) was presumably the idea behind the New Economic Policy's lifting of restrictions; this wasn't Bukharin's policy either. Choice D was not a feature of anyone's program.



The Russia which emerged from the terrible civil war after the 1917 Revolution was far from the Bolsheviks' original ideal of a non-exploitative society governed by workers and peasants. By 1921, the regime was weakened by widespread famine, persistent peasant revolts, a collapse of industrial production stemming from the civil war, and the consequent dispersal of the industrial working class ­ the Bolsheviks' original base of support. To buy time for recovery, the government in 1921 introduced the New Economic Policy, which allowed private trade in farm products (previously banned) and relied on a fixed grain tax instead of forced requisitions to provide food for the cities. The value of the ruble was stabilized. Trade unions were again allowed to seek higher wages and benefits, and even to strike. However, the Bolsheviks maintained a strict monopoly of power by refusing to legalize other parties.
After the death of the Revolution's undisputed leader, Lenin, in January 1924, disputes over the long-range direction of policy led to an open struggle among the main Bolshevik leaders. Since open debate was still possible within the Bolshevik Party in this period, several groups with differing programs emerged in the course of this struggle.
The program supported by Nikolai Bukharin ­ a major ideological leader of the Bolsheviks with no power base of his own ­ called for developing agriculture through good relations with wealthy peasants, or "kulaks." Bukharin favored gradual industrial development, or "advancing towards Socialism at a snail's pace." In foreign affairs, Bukharin's policy was to ally with non-Socialist regimes and movements that were favorable to Russia.
A faction led by Leon Trotsky, head of the Red Army and the most respected revolutionary leader after Lenin, called for rapid industrialization and greater central planning of the economy, financed by a heavy tax on the kulaks. Trotsky rejected the idea that a prosperous, human Socialist society could be built in Russia alone (Stalin's slogan of "Socialism in One Country"), and therefore called for continued efforts to promote working- class revolutions abroad. As time went on, he became bitterly critical of the new privileged elite emerging within both the Bolshevik Party and the Russian state.
Joseph Stalin, General Secretary of the Bolshevik Party, was initially considered a "center," conciliating figure, not clearly part of a faction. Stalin's eventual supremacy was ensured by three successive struggles within the party, and only during the last did his own program become clear.
First, in 1924-25, Stalin isolated Trotsky, allying for this purpose with Grigori Zinoviev and Lev Kamenev, Bolshevik leaders better known than Stalin himself, whom Trotsky mistakenly considered his main rivals. Stalin maneuvered Trotsky out of leadership of the Red Army, his main potential power base. Next, Stalin turned on Zinoviev and Kamenev, using his powers as head of the Party organization to remove them from party leadership in Leningrad and Moscow, their respective power bases. Trotsky, Zinoviev, and Kamenev then belatedly formed the "Joint Opposition" (1926-27). With Bukharin's help, Stalin easily outmaneuvered the Opposition: Bukharin polemicized against Trotsky, while Stalin prevented the newspapers from printing Trotsky's replies, organized gangs of toughs to beat up his followers, and transferred his supporters to administrative posts in remote regions. At the end of 1927, Stalin expelled Trotsky from the Bolshevik Party and exiled him. (Later, in 1940, he had him murdered.) Zinoviev and Kamenev, meanwhile, recanted their views in order to remain within the Party.
The final act now began. A move by kulaks to gain higher prices by holding grain off the market touched off a campaign against them by Stalin. Bukharin protested, but with the tradition of Party democracy now all but dead, Stalin had little trouble silencing Bukharin. Meanwhile, he began a campaign to force all peasants ­ not just kulaks ­ onto state-controlled "collective farms," and initiated a crash industrialization program during which he deprived the trade unions of all rights and cut real wages by 50%. Out of the factional struggle in which he emerged by 1933 as sole dictator of Russia, Stalin's political program of building up heavy industry on the backs of both worker and peasant emerged with full clarity.
According to the passage, a similarity between Stalin and Trotsky was their attitude and policy toward:

  1. the elite of the Bolshevik Party.
  2. the importance of industrialization.
  3. democracy within the party.
  4. trade unions.

Answer(s): B

Explanation:

Details of Trotsky's and Stalin's policies and attitudes can be found in Paragraphs 4 and 7. Trotsky called for
rapid industrialization and Stalin sought to build up heavy industry, so it's clear that industrialization was important to both of them (Choice B).
Choice A is incorrect; the author states that Trotsky was critical of the elite, but Stalin's attitude toward them is left unstated. Similarly, you don't know how either of them felt about democracy within the party (Choice C) or how Trotsky felt about trade unions (Choice D), so these choices are wrong.



The Russia which emerged from the terrible civil war after the 1917 Revolution was far from the Bolsheviks' original ideal of a non-exploitative society governed by workers and peasants. By 1921, the regime was weakened by widespread famine, persistent peasant revolts, a collapse of industrial production stemming from the civil war, and the consequent dispersal of the industrial working class ­ the Bolsheviks' original base of support. To buy time for recovery, the government in 1921 introduced the New Economic Policy, which allowed private trade in farm products (previously banned) and relied on a fixed grain tax instead of forced requisitions to provide food for the cities. The value of the ruble was stabilized. Trade unions were again allowed to seek higher wages and benefits, and even to strike. However, the Bolsheviks maintained a strict monopoly of power by refusing to legalize other parties.
After the death of the Revolution's undisputed leader, Lenin, in January 1924, disputes over the long-range direction of policy led to an open struggle among the main Bolshevik leaders. Since open debate was still possible within the Bolshevik Party in this period, several groups with differing programs emerged in the course of this struggle.
The program supported by Nikolai Bukharin ­ a major ideological leader of the Bolsheviks with no power base of his own ­ called for developing agriculture through good relations with wealthy peasants, or "kulaks." Bukharin favored gradual industrial development, or "advancing towards Socialism at a snail's pace." In foreign affairs, Bukharin's policy was to ally with non-Socialist regimes and movements that were favorable to Russia.
A faction led by Leon Trotsky, head of the Red Army and the most respected revolutionary leader after Lenin, called for rapid industrialization and greater central planning of the economy, financed by a heavy tax on the kulaks. Trotsky rejected the idea that a prosperous, human Socialist society could be built in Russia alone (Stalin's slogan of "Socialism in One Country"), and therefore called for continued efforts to promote working- class revolutions abroad. As time went on, he became bitterly critical of the new privileged elite emerging within both the Bolshevik Party and the Russian state.
Joseph Stalin, General Secretary of the Bolshevik Party, was initially considered a "center," conciliating figure, not clearly part of a faction. Stalin's eventual supremacy was ensured by three successive struggles within the party, and only during the last did his own program become clear.
First, in 1924-25, Stalin isolated Trotsky, allying for this purpose with Grigori Zinoviev and Lev Kamenev, Bolshevik leaders better known than Stalin himself, whom Trotsky mistakenly considered his main rivals. Stalin maneuvered Trotsky out of leadership of the Red Army, his main potential power base. Next, Stalin turned on Zinoviev and Kamenev, using his powers as head of the Party organization to remove them from party leadership in Leningrad and Moscow, their respective power bases. Trotsky, Zinoviev, and Kamenev then belatedly formed the "Joint Opposition" (1926-27). With Bukharin's help, Stalin easily outmaneuvered the Opposition: Bukharin polemicized against Trotsky, while Stalin prevented the newspapers from printing Trotsky's replies, organized gangs of toughs to beat up his followers, and transferred his supporters to administrative posts in remote regions. At the end of 1927, Stalin expelled Trotsky from the Bolshevik Party and exiled him. (Later, in 1940, he had him murdered.) Zinoviev and Kamenev, meanwhile, recanted their views in order to remain within the Party.
The final act now began. A move by kulaks to gain higher prices by holding grain off the market touched off a campaign against them by Stalin. Bukharin protested, but with the tradition of Party democracy now all but dead, Stalin had little trouble silencing Bukharin. Meanwhile, he began a campaign to force all peasants ­ not just kulaks ­ onto state-controlled "collective farms," and initiated a crash industrialization program during which he deprived the trade unions of all rights and cut real wages by 50%. Out of the factional struggle in which he emerged by 1933 as sole dictator of Russia, Stalin's political program of building up heavy industry on the backs of both worker and peasant emerged with full clarity.
In his struggle with rival factions of the Bolshevik Party, Stalin was apparently most helped by:

  1. his control of the party organization.
  2. his control of the army.
  3. Trotsky's misjudgment of threats to his position.
  4. the appearance of standing above factional politics.

Answer(s): A

Explanation:

You can throw out Choices B and D right away ­ Trotsky had control of the Red Army, not Stalin, and there is no reason to think that Stalin's initially neutral appearance helped him at all once he began to maneuver.
Trotsky's misjudgment of threats (Choice C) enabled Stalin to force him out of Red Army leadership, but control of the party helped Stalin much more. He was able to use his powers to remove Zinoviev and Kamenev from Party leadership and to expel Trotsky from the Party and have him murdered. Thus Choice A is correct.






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