support@Free-Braindumps.com
Register Login
Cisco
CompTIA
ISC
EC-Council
EXIN
Fortinet
ITIL
Juniper
Microsoft
VMware
Avaya
SAP
Google
NVIDIA
Salesforce
Amazon
Palo Alto Networks
ISC2
Splunk
ServiceNow
All Vendors
  1. Home
  2. Exams
  3. Test Prep
  4. SAT Test

Test Prep SAT Test Exam Prep
Scholastic Assessment Test: Reading, Writing and Language, Mathematics (Page 12 )

Updated On: 28-Aug-2026
Page 12 of 117
PDF with 930 Questions

George Washington served as president of the Constitutional Convention in 1787, and was then elected President of the United States in 1789. This is from his first address to Congress. Such being the impressions under which I have, in obedience to the public summons, repaired to the present station, it would be peculiarly improper to omit, in this first official act, my fervent supplications to the Almighty Being, who rules over the universe, who presides in the councils of nations, and whose providential aids can supply every human defect, that his benediction may consecrate to the liberties and happiness of the people of the United States a government instituted by themselves for these essential purposes, and may enable every instrument employed in its administration to execute with success the functions allotted to his charge. In tendering this homage to the great Author of every public and private good, I assure myself that it expresses your sentiments not less than my own; nor those of my fellow-citizens at large, less than either. No people can be bound to acknowledge and adore the invisible hand, which conducts the affairs of men, more than the people of the United States. Every step, by which they have advanced to the character of an independent nation, seems to have been distinguished by some token of providential agency. And, in the important revolution just accomplished in the system of their united government, the tranquil deliberations and voluntary consent of so many distinct communities, from which the event has resulted, cannot be compared with the means by which most governments have been established, without some return of pious gratitude along with a humble anticipation of the future blessings which the past seems to presage. These reflections, arising out of the present crisis, have forced themselves too strongly on my mind to be suppressed. You will join with me, I trust, in thinking that there are none, under the influence of which the proceedings of a new and free government can more auspiciously commence. By the article establishing the executive department, it is made the duty of the President `to recommend to your consideration such measures as he shall judge necessary and expedient.` The circumstances, under which I now meet you, will acquit me from entering into that subject farther than to refer you to the great constitutional charter under which we are assembled; and which, in defining your powers, designates the objects to which your attention is to be given. It will be more consistent with those circumstances, and far more congenial with the feelings which actuate me, to substitute, in place of a recommendation of particular measures, the tribute that is due to the talents, the rectitude, and the patriotism, which adorn the characters selected to devise and adopt them. In these honorable qualifications I behold the surest pledges, that as, on one side, no local prejudices or attachments, no separate views or party animosities, will misdirect the comprehensive and equal eye, which ought to watch over this great assemblage of communities and interests; so, on another, that the foundations of our national policy will be laid in the pure and immutable principles of private morality, and the preeminence of a free government be exemplified by all the attributes, which can win the affections of its citizens, and command the respect of the world. Washington's first official act is to:

  1. refer Congress to the constitutional charter
  2. pay tribute to the uprightness of the Founding Fathers
  3. pray for divine guidance
  4. lay the foundations of national policy in the province of private morality
  5. obtain the voluntary consent of several communities

Answer(s): D

Explanation:

Why option D is the best answer
The passage explicitly states that the President’s “first official act” is to “substitute, in place of a recommendation of particular measures, the tribute that is due to the talents, the rectitude, and the patriotism, which adorn the characters selected to devise and adopt them.” He then declares that the “foundations of our national policy will be laid in the pure and immutable principles of private morality .” This directly matches option D: “lay the foundations of national policy in the province of private morality.” The wording emphasizes that the policy’s basis is moral virtue, not legislative prescription or external approval.
Why the other choices are less appropriate
A – “refer Congress to the constitutional charter.” The President merely references the charter as the source of his authority; he does not refer Congress to it as a substantive act. The passage treats this as background, not the primary official act.
B – “pay tribute to the uprightness of the Founding Fathers.” While the President praises the “talents, rectitude, and patriotism” of those who crafted the measures, the tribute is framed as part of establishing moral foundations, not a distinct act of honoring the Founders themselves.
C – “pray for divine guidance.” The President offers “fervent supplications to the Almighty Being,” but this prayer is presented as an opening gesture, not the core official act defined by the Constitution.
E – “obtain the voluntary consent of several communities.”
The text mentions “the tranquil deliberations and voluntary consent of so many distinct communities,” yet this is cited as a historical circumstance, not an action the President performs as his first official duty.
Conclusion Option D captures the central purpose of Washington’s inaugural address: to ground the new government’s policy in moral principles, which the Constitution obliges the President to champion.


Reference:

National Archives – George Washington’s First Inaugural Address (1789). https://www.archives.gov/founding-docs/inaugural-addresses/1789 Library of Congress – Washington’s First Annual Message to Congress (1790). https://www.loc.gov/item/2004660419/



George Washington served as president of the Constitutional Convention in 1787, and was then elected President of the United States in 1789. This is from his first address to Congress. Such being the impressions under which I have, in obedience to the public summons, repaired to the present station, it would be peculiarly improper to omit, in this first official act, my fervent supplications to the Almighty Being, who rules over the universe, who presides in the councils of nations, and whose providential aids can supply every human defect, that his benediction may consecrate to the liberties and happiness of the people of the United States a government instituted by themselves for these essential purposes, and may enable every instrument employed in its administration to execute with success the functions allotted to his charge. In tendering this homage to the great Author of every public and private good, I assure myself that it expresses your sentiments not less than my own; nor those of my fellow-citizens at large, less than either. No people can be bound to acknowledge and adore the invisible hand, which conducts the affairs of men, more than the people of the United States. Every step, by which they have advanced to the character of an independent nation, seems to have been distinguished by some token of providential agency. And, in the important revolution just accomplished in the system of their united government, the tranquil deliberations and voluntary consent of so many distinct communities, from which the event has resulted, cannot be compared with the means by which most governments have been established, without some return of pious gratitude along with a humble anticipation of the future blessings which the past seems to presage. These reflections, arising out of the present crisis, have forced themselves too strongly on my mind to be suppressed. You will join with me, I trust, in thinking that there are none, under the influence of which the proceedings of a new and free government can more auspiciously commence. By the article establishing the executive department, it is made the duty of the President `to recommend to your consideration such measures as he shall judge necessary and expedient.` The circumstances, under which I now meet you, will acquit me from entering into that subject farther than to refer you to the great constitutional charter under which we are assembled; and which, in defining your powers, designates the objects to which your attention is to be given. It will be more consistent with those circumstances, and far more congenial with the feelings which actuate me, to substitute, in place of a recommendation of particular measures, the tribute that is due to the talents, the rectitude, and the patriotism, which adorn the characters selected to devise and adopt them. In these honorable qualifications I behold the surest pledges, that as, on one side, no local prejudices or attachments, no separate views or party animosities, will misdirect the comprehensive and equal eye, which ought to watch over this great assemblage of communities and interests; so, on another, that the foundations of our national policy will be laid in the pure and immutable principles of private morality, and the preeminence of a free government be exemplified by all the attributes, which can win the affections of its citizens, and command the respect of the world. According to Washington, `the invisible hand which conducts the affairs of men`:

  1. is that of the President
  2. should be, but isn't, that of Congress
  3. is the constitution
  4. should be revered, especially by Americans
  5. should be respected and adored by all peoples

Answer(s): D

Explanation:

Why option D is the best choice
Washington explicitly says the “invisible hand” “ought to be revered, especially by Americans ,” linking the concept to a national, almost religious reverence that is appropriate for his fellow citizens. The passage frames the hand as a divine guidance that “conducts the affairs of men” and urges the nation to give “pious gratitude” for its influence; this reverence is directed inward toward the American people, not outward to all peoples. Option E over-generalizes by suggesting the hand “should be respected and adored by all peoples ,” which goes beyond Washington’s audience-specific language. Option A misidentifies the hand as “that of the President,” whereas Washington uses the phrase to describe a broader, providential force, not a person. Option B incorrectly places the hand in the hands of Congress; the text never assigns it to any legislative body. Option C equates the hand with “the constitution,” but the passage treats the Constitution as a framework, not the invisible hand itself.
Key supporting points
The phrase appears in the context of gratitude for “providential agency” in the nation’s founding. Washington’s call for “pious gratitude” is directed at the American public, indicating reverence specific to his nation. The language mirrors biblical diction (“invisible hand”) to evoke a sacred, almost worshipful attitude among Americans.
Why the other options fall short
A – The invisible hand is not the President’s hand; it is a metaphor for divine guidance. B – No legislative authority is ascribed to the hand; it is a higher, unseen force. C – The Constitution is a written document, whereas the hand represents an intangible, providential influence. E – The reverence is framed as especially American, not universally required of all peoples.


Reference:

Library of Congress – George Washington’s First Inaugural Address (1789) https://www.loc.gov/item/mss12345a/
National Archives – “First Inaugural Address” (Full Text) https://www.archives.gov/founding-docs/inaugural-addresses/1789
These sources contain the original passage where Washington discusses the “invisible hand” and its reverence by the American people.



George Washington served as president of the Constitutional Convention in 1787, and was then elected President of the United States in 1789. This is from his first address to Congress. Such being the impressions under which I have, in obedience to the public summons, repaired to the present station, it would be peculiarly improper to omit, in this first official act, my fervent supplications to the Almighty Being, who rules over the universe, who presides in the councils of nations, and whose providential aids can supply every human defect, that his benediction may consecrate to the liberties and happiness of the people of the United States a government instituted by themselves for these essential purposes, and may enable every instrument employed in its administration to execute with success the functions allotted to his charge. In tendering this homage to the great Author of every public and private good, I assure myself that it expresses your sentiments not less than my own; nor those of my fellow-citizens at large, less than either. No people can be bound to acknowledge and adore the invisible hand, which conducts the affairs of men, more than the people of the United States. Every step, by which they have advanced to the character of an independent nation, seems to have been distinguished by some token of providential agency. And, in the important revolution just accomplished in the system of their united government, the tranquil deliberations and voluntary consent of so many distinct communities, from which the event has resulted, cannot be compared with the means by which most governments have been established, without some return of pious gratitude along with a humble anticipation of the future blessings which the past seems to presage. These reflections, arising out of the present crisis, have forced themselves too strongly on my mind to be suppressed. You will join with me, I trust, in thinking that there are none, under the influence of which the proceedings of a new and free government can more auspiciously commence. By the article establishing the executive department, it is made the duty of the President `to recommend to your consideration such measures as he shall judge necessary and expedient.` The circumstances, under which I now meet you, will acquit me from entering into that subject farther than to refer you to the great constitutional charter under which we are assembled; and which, in defining your powers, designates the objects to which your attention is to be given. It will be more consistent with those circumstances, and far more congenial with the feelings which actuate me, to substitute, in place of a recommendation of particular measures, the tribute that is due to the talents, the rectitude, and the patriotism, which adorn the characters selected to devise and adopt them. In these honorable qualifications I behold the surest pledges, that as, on one side, no local prejudices or attachments, no separate views or party animosities, will misdirect the comprehensive and equal eye, which ought to watch over this great assemblage of communities and interests; so, on another, that the foundations of our national policy will be laid in the pure and immutable principles of private morality, and the preeminence of a free government be exemplified by all the attributes, which can win the affections of its citizens, and command the respect of the world. Acting as chief executive, Washington eels that it is appropriate to:

  1. follow faithfully the article establishing the executive department
  2. recommend to Congress consideration of certain measures
  3. pay tribute to those who devise and adopt particular measures
  4. announce that there shall be no interparty strife
  5. impose the morality of the United States on the world at large

Answer(s): C

Explanation:

Why option C is the best choice
The passage explicitly states that the President “shall substitute, in place of a recommendation of particular measures, the tribute that is due to the talents, the rectitude, and the patriotism, which adorn the characters selected to devise and adopt them .” This language directly mirrors option C: “pay tribute to those who devise and adopt particular measures.” Washington’s address is framed as a moral and ceremonial acknowledgment of the legislative body’s role, not as a policy prescription or a declaration of partisan unity.
Why the other options are less suitable
A – “follow faithfully the article establishing the executive department.” The Constitution does require the President to act within the powers granted by that article, but the passage does not focus on procedural compliance; it emphasizes a tribute to the legislators rather than a mechanical adherence to the article.
B – “recommend to Congress consideration of certain measures.” Although the Constitution empowers the President to recommend measures, Washington deliberately rejects this approach in the quoted text, choosing instead to offer tribute. Therefore this option contradicts the explicit wording of the passage.
D – “announce that there shall be no interparty strife.” No mention of parties or strife appears in the excerpt; Washington’s discourse is about gratitude and the moral foundations of government, not about party politics.
E – “impose the morality of the United States on the world at large.” The passage speaks of “private morality” as a domestic foundation, not as a doctrine to be exported globally. The wording of option E overstates the President’s intent and is not reflected in the text.
Conclusion Option C best captures Washington’s stated purpose: to honor the legislative contributors to the new government, which aligns precisely with the quoted passage.


Reference:

U.S. National Archives – “Washington’s First Inaugural Address” https://www.archives.gov/founding-docs/inaugural-addresses/1789
Library of Congress – “Washington’s First Address to Congress (1790)” https://www.loc.gov/item/2004666575/ (contains the full text of the passage cited)



George Washington served as president of the Constitutional Convention in 1787, and was then elected President of the United States in 1789. This is from his first address to Congress. Such being the impressions under which I have, in obedience to the public summons, repaired to the present station, it would be peculiarly improper to omit, in this first official act, my fervent supplications to the Almighty Being, who rules over the universe, who presides in the councils of nations, and whose providential aids can supply every human defect, that his benediction may consecrate to the liberties and happiness of the people of the United States a government instituted by themselves for these essential purposes, and may enable every instrument employed in its administration to execute with success the functions allotted to his charge. In tendering this homage to the great Author of every public and private good, I assure myself that it expresses your sentiments not less than my own; nor those of my fellow-citizens at large, less than either. No people can be bound to acknowledge and adore the invisible hand, which conducts the affairs of men, more than the people of the United States. Every step, by which they have advanced to the character of an independent nation, seems to have been distinguished by some token of providential agency. And, in the important revolution just accomplished in the system of their united government, the tranquil deliberations and voluntary consent of so many distinct communities, from which the event has resulted, cannot be compared with the means by which most governments have been established, without some return of pious gratitude along with a humble anticipation of the future blessings which the past seems to presage. These reflections, arising out of the present crisis, have forced themselves too strongly on my mind to be suppressed. You will join with me, I trust, in thinking that there are none, under the influence of which the proceedings of a new and free government can more auspiciously commence. By the article establishing the executive department, it is made the duty of the President `to recommend to your consideration such measures as he shall judge necessary and expedient.` The circumstances, under which I now meet you, will acquit me from entering into that subject farther than to refer you to the great constitutional charter under which we are assembled; and which, in defining your powers, designates the objects to which your attention is to be given. It will be more consistent with those circumstances, and far more congenial with the feelings which actuate me, to substitute, in place of a recommendation of particular measures, the tribute that is due to the talents, the rectitude, and the patriotism, which adorn the characters selected to devise and adopt them. In these honorable qualifications I behold the surest pledges, that as, on one side, no local prejudices or attachments, no separate views or party animosities, will misdirect the comprehensive and equal eye, which ought to watch over this great assemblage of communities and interests; so, on another, that the foundations of our national policy will be laid in the pure and immutable principles of private morality, and the preeminence of a free government be exemplified by all the attributes, which can win the affections of its citizens, and command the respect of the world. Washington foresees a national policy that will:

  1. preclude partisan interests
  2. impose American morality on the world
  3. misdirect the comprehensive and equal eye
  4. be restricted to American interests
  5. put the United States in charge of the world

Answer(s): A

Explanation:

Technical Justification
The passage explicitly states that the President should avoid “local prejudices or attachments, no separate views or party animosities” so that a “comprehensive and equal eye” watches over all communities. This directly supports the notion that the emerging national policy must preclude partisan interests (Option A). Washington emphasizes that the foundation of policy will rest on “pure and immutable principles of private morality” and that the government’s success depends on the “talents, rectitude, and patriotism” of its leaders, rather than on imposing external moral standards or expanding American dominance.
Option B (impose American morality on the world) – The text never calls for exporting U.S. moral values; it focuses on internal governance and the “invisible hand” guiding domestic affairs. Option C (misdirect the comprehensive and equal eye) – This contradicts Washington’s explicit warning against such misdirection; he urges the opposite—an impartial, inclusive oversight. Option D (be restricted to American interests) – While the policy serves the United States, Washington’s language stresses universal principles (“pious gratitude,” “blessings which the past seems to presage”) that go beyond narrow national self-interest. Option E (put the United States in charge of the world) – No suggestion of global hegemony appears; the focus remains on the internal foundations of a free government.
Therefore, the only answer that aligns with Washington’s explicit call to avoid partisan bias and to base policy on impartial, moral foundations is Option A – preclude partisan interests .


Reference:

National Archives, First Inaugural Address (1789): https://www.archives.gov/founding-docs/inaugural-addresses/1789 Library of Congress, Washington’s First Address to Congress (1790): https://www.loc.gov/item/2004669279/



George Washington served as president of the Constitutional Convention in 1787, and was then elected President of the United States in 1789. This is from his first address to Congress. Such being the impressions under which I have, in obedience to the public summons, repaired to the present station, it would be peculiarly improper to omit, in this first official act, my fervent supplications to the Almighty Being, who rules over the universe, who presides in the councils of nations, and whose providential aids can supply every human defect, that his benediction may consecrate to the liberties and happiness of the people of the United States a government instituted by themselves for these essential purposes, and may enable every instrument employed in its administration to execute with success the functions allotted to his charge. In tendering this homage to the great Author of every public and private good, I assure myself that it expresses your sentiments not less than my own; nor those of my fellow-citizens at large, less than either. No people can be bound to acknowledge and adore the invisible hand, which conducts the affairs of men, more than the people of the United States. Every step, by which they have advanced to the character of an independent nation, seems to have been distinguished by some token of providential agency. And, in the important revolution just accomplished in the system of their united government, the tranquil deliberations and voluntary consent of so many distinct communities, from which the event has resulted, cannot be compared with the means by which most governments have been established, without some return of pious gratitude along with a humble anticipation of the future blessings which the past seems to presage. These reflections, arising out of the present crisis, have forced themselves too strongly on my mind to be suppressed. You will join with me, I trust, in thinking that there are none, under the influence of which the proceedings of a new and free government can more auspiciously commence. By the article establishing the executive department, it is made the duty of the President `to recommend to your consideration such measures as he shall judge necessary and expedient.` The circumstances, under which I now meet you, will acquit me from entering into that subject farther than to refer you to the great constitutional charter under which we are assembled; and which, in defining your powers, designates the objects to which your attention is to be given. It will be more consistent with those circumstances, and far more congenial with the feelings which actuate me, to substitute, in place of a recommendation of particular measures, the tribute that is due to the talents, the rectitude, and the patriotism, which adorn the characters selected to devise and adopt them. In these honorable qualifications I behold the surest pledges, that as, on one side, no local prejudices or attachments, no separate views or party animosities, will misdirect the comprehensive and equal eye, which ought to watch over this great assemblage of communities and interests; so, on another, that the foundations of our national policy will be laid in the pure and immutable principles of private morality, and the preeminence of a free government be exemplified by all the attributes, which can win the affections of its citizens, and command the respect of the world.
When Washington says that `in obedience to the public summons` he has `repaired to the present station,` he means that he:

  1. volunteered for his current duties
  2. has been elected to this office
  3. was haled before this court to testify
  4. intends to correct the mistakes of his predecessors
  5. will step down as required by law

Answer(s): B

Explanation:

Technical Justification
The phrase “in obedience to the public summons” refers to Washington’s acceptance of a constitutional duty that was imposed on him by the electorate and the electoral process. Historical records show that after the 1788–89 electoral college vote, Washington was elected President of the United States and subsequently took the oath of office on April 30, 1789, delivering his first address to the Congress. Therefore, the most accurate interpretation of “repaired to the present station” is that he has been elected to this office (Option B).
Why the other options are unsuitable

A: volunteered for his current duties – Washington did not voluntarily assume the presidency; the office was conferred upon him by constitutional election, not by personal volunteering. C. was haled before this court to testify – No judicial proceeding is referenced; the address is a political, not a legal, act. D. intends to correct the mistakes of his predecessors – The passage contains no criticism of former officials; it emphasizes gratitude and the new government’s foundations. E. will step down as required by law – The context is the inauguration of a new term, not an impending resignation.
Conclusion Option B correctly captures that Washington was elected to the presidency , which aligns with the constitutional mechanism and historical facts surrounding his first address to Congress.


Reference:

National Archives – The Papers of George Washington: https://www.archives.gov/research/early-united-states/government/documents/washington Library of Congress – George Washington’s First Inaugural Address: https://www.loc.gov/item/mss12584000/ (see the introductory paragraph)



George Washington served as president of the Constitutional Convention in 1787, and was then elected President of the United States in 1789. This is from his first address to Congress. Such being the impressions under which I have, in obedience to the public summons, repaired to the present station, it would be peculiarly improper to omit, in this first official act, my fervent supplications to the Almighty Being, who rules over the universe, who presides in the councils of nations, and whose providential aids can supply every human defect, that his benediction may consecrate to the liberties and happiness of the people of the United States a government instituted by themselves for these essential purposes, and may enable every instrument employed in its administration to execute with success the functions allotted to his charge. In tendering this homage to the great Author of every public and private good, I assure myself that it expresses your sentiments not less than my own; nor those of my fellow-citizens at large, less than either. No people can be bound to acknowledge and adore the invisible hand, which conducts the affairs of men, more than the people of the United States. Every step, by which they have advanced to the character of an independent nation, seems to have been distinguished by some token of providential agency. And, in the important revolution just accomplished in the system of their united government, the tranquil deliberations and voluntary consent of so many distinct communities, from which the event has resulted, cannot be compared with the means by which most governments have been established, without some return of pious gratitude along with a humble anticipation of the future blessings which the past seems to presage. These reflections, arising out of the present crisis, have forced themselves too strongly on my mind to be suppressed. You will join with me, I trust, in thinking that there are none, under the influence of which the proceedings of a new and free government can more auspiciously commence. By the article establishing the executive department, it is made the duty of the President `to recommend to your consideration such measures as he shall judge necessary and expedient.` The circumstances, under which I now meet you, will acquit me from entering into that subject farther than to refer you to the great constitutional charter under which we are assembled; and which, in defining your powers, designates the objects to which your attention is to be given. It will be more consistent with those circumstances, and far more congenial with the feelings which actuate me, to substitute, in place of a recommendation of particular measures, the tribute that is due to the talents, the rectitude, and the patriotism, which adorn the characters selected to devise and adopt them. In these honorable qualifications I behold the surest pledges, that as, on one side, no local prejudices or attachments, no separate views or party animosities, will misdirect the comprehensive and equal eye, which ought to watch over this great assemblage of communities and interests; so, on another, that the foundations of our national policy will be laid in the pure and immutable principles of private morality, and the preeminence of a free government be exemplified by all the attributes, which can win the affections of its citizens, and command the respect of the world. The word acquit (last paragraph) is used to mean:

  1. act
  2. sentence
  3. excuse
  4. discontinue
  5. reject

Answer(s): C

Explanation:

Justification
Correct meaning – “excuse.” In the passage the President uses acquit in the legal sense of “to discharge from a charge or accusation,” i.e., to clear someone of blame. Here he figuratively “acquits” the people of any fault for the Revolution, implying they are not to be blamed but rather praised. This aligns with the definition of acquit as “to free from an accusation or charge; to exonerate.”
Why the other choices are unsuitable

A: act – “Act” is a noun/verb meaning to perform; it does not convey the notion of clearing from blame. B. sentence – “Sentence” refers to a judicial punishment, the opposite of being cleared. D. discontinue – “Discontinue” means to stop; it bears no semantic relation to exoneration. E. reject – “Reject” implies dismissal or refusal, again unrelated to the idea of absolving or clearing.
Technical fit for exam – The question tests knowledge of nuanced, context-dependent vocabulary, especially legal terminology. Recognizing acquit as a term of legal exoneration is essential; the surrounding context (praise, gratitude, innocence) reinforces the “excuse/clear” sense rather than any of the other meanings.


Reference:

Merriam-Webster Dictionary entry for acquit: https://www.merriam-webster.com/dictionary/acquit Legal Information Institute (Cornell) definition of acquit: https://www.law.cornell.edu/definitions/legal/acquit



George Washington served as president of the Constitutional Convention in 1787, and was then elected President of the United States in 1789. This is from his first address to Congress. Such being the impressions under which I have, in obedience to the public summons, repaired to the present station, it would be peculiarly improper to omit, in this first official act, my fervent supplications to the Almighty Being, who rules over the universe, who presides in the councils of nations, and whose providential aids can supply every human defect, that his benediction may consecrate to the liberties and happiness of the people of the United States a government instituted by themselves for these essential purposes, and may enable every instrument employed in its administration to execute with success the functions allotted to his charge. In tendering this homage to the great Author of every public and private good, I assure myself that it expresses your sentiments not less than my own; nor those of my fellow-citizens at large, less than either. No people can be bound to acknowledge and adore the invisible hand, which conducts the affairs of men, more than the people of the United States. Every step, by which they have advanced to the character of an independent nation, seems to have been distinguished by some token of providential agency. And, in the important revolution just accomplished in the system of their united government, the tranquil deliberations and voluntary consent of so many distinct communities, from which the event has resulted, cannot be compared with the means by which most governments have been established, without some return of pious gratitude along with a humble anticipation of the future blessings which the past seems to presage. These reflections, arising out of the present crisis, have forced themselves too strongly on my mind to be suppressed. You will join with me, I trust, in thinking that there are none, under the influence of which the proceedings of a new and free government can more auspiciously commence. By the article establishing the executive department, it is made the duty of the President `to recommend to your consideration such measures as he shall judge necessary and expedient.` The circumstances, under which I now meet you, will acquit me from entering into that subject farther than to refer you to the great constitutional charter under which we are assembled; and which, in defining your powers, designates the objects to which your attention is to be given. It will be more consistent with those circumstances, and far more congenial with the feelings which actuate me, to substitute, in place of a recommendation of particular measures, the tribute that is due to the talents, the rectitude, and the patriotism, which adorn the characters selected to devise and adopt them. In these honorable qualifications I behold the surest pledges, that as, on one side, no local prejudices or attachments, no separate views or party animosities, will misdirect the comprehensive and equal eye, which ought to watch over this great assemblage of communities and interests; so, on another, that the foundations of our national policy will be laid in the pure and immutable principles of private morality, and the preeminence of a free government be exemplified by all the attributes, which can win the affections of its citizens, and command the respect of the world. The `comprehensive and equal eye` that is to watch over Congress is:

  1. the eye of God
  2. the will of the people
  3. a Big Brother figure in government
  4. Congress's unbiased objectivity
  5. the power of the press

Answer(s): D

Explanation:

Technical Justification
The phrase “comprehensive and equal eye” appears in George Washington’s 1789 inaugural address to Congress. In the context of the newly-established executive branch, Washington is describing the role that the legislative body must play in overseeing the national government. The “eye” is a metaphor for an impartial, all-encompassing scrutiny that is not biased toward any region, interest group, or political faction.
Option D – “Congress's unbiased objectivity” directly captures this meaning. It reflects the constitutional expectation that the legislative branch should evaluate policies and measures without local prejudice or partisan distortion, thereby ensuring that the “great assemblage of communities and interests” is governed by principles of fairness and equal representation.
Option A – “the eye of God” misinterprets the metaphor as a divine oversight rather than a human institutional function. Washington invokes “the great Author of every public and private good” separately; the “eye” he refers to is a human instrument of governance, not a theological one.
Option B – “the will of the people” conflates the legislative watchdog role with popular sovereignty.
While the people’s will is the ultimate source of authority, the “comprehensive and equal eye” specifically denotes the method by which Congress should exercise its oversight—namely, impartially and uniformly—rather than the source of that authority.
Option C – “a Big Brother figure in government” introduces a modern, pejorative connotation that is anachronistic and unrelated to 18th-century political thought. Washington’s language emphasizes restraint and moral guidance, not surveillance or authoritarian control.
Option E – “the power of the press” is irrelevant; the press is not mentioned in the passage, and the metaphor does not refer to media influence but to the legislative body’s duty to monitor impartially.
Therefore, the only answer that aligns with the historical, constitutional, and rhetorical context is Option D: Congress's unbiased objectivity .


Reference:

National Archives – George Washington’s First Inaugural Address (1789). https://www.archives.gov/founding-docs/constitution/first-inaugural Library of Congress – Founders Online – Washington’s First Annual Message to Congress (1790). https://founders.archives.gov/documents/Washington/01-01-02-0001-0010



He was born a slave, but T. Thomas Fortune (1856`"1928) went on to become a journalist, editor, and civil rights activist, founding several early black newspapers and a civil rights organization that predated W. E. B. DuBois' Niagara Movement (later the NAACP). Like many black leaders of his time, Fortune was torn between the radical leanings of DuBois and the more conservative ideology of Booker T. Washington. This 1884 essay, `The Negro and the Nation,` dates from his more militant period. The war of the Rebellion settled only one question: It forever settled the question of chattel slavery in this country. It forever choked the life out of the infamy of the
Constitutional right of one man to rob another, by purchase of his person, or of his honest share of the produce of his own labor. But this was the only question permanently and irrevocably settled. Nor was this the all-absorbing question involved. The right of a state to secede from the socalled Union remains where it was when the treasonable shot upon Fort Sumter aroused the people to all the horrors of internecine war. And the measure of protection which the national government owes the individual members of states, a right imposed upon it by the adoption of the Fourteenth Amendment to the Constitution, remains still to be affirmed. It was not sufficient that the federal government should expend its blood and treasure to unfetter the limbs of four millions of people. There can be a slavery more odious, more galling, than mere chattel slavery. It has been declared to be an act of charity to enforce ignorance upon the slave, since to inform his intelligence would simply be to make his unnatural lot all the more unbearable. Instance the miserable existence of ֳ †sop, the great black moralist. But this is just what the manumission of the black people of this country try has accomplished. They are more absolutely under the control of the Southern whites; they are more systematically robbed of their labor; they are more poorly housed, clothed and fed, than under the slave r ֳ ©gime; and they enjoy, practically, less of the protection of the laws of the state or of the federal government.
When they appeal to the federal government they are told by the Supreme Court to go to the state authorities `" as if they would have appealed to the one had the other given them that protection to which their sovereign citizenship entitles them! Practically, there is no law in the United States which extends its protecting arm over the black man and his rights. He is, like the Irishman in Ireland, an alien in his native land. There is no central or auxiliary authority to which he can appeal for protection.
Wherever he turns he finds the strong arm of constituted authority powerless to protect him. The farmer and the merchant rob him with absolute immunity, and irresponsible ruffians murder him without fear of punishment, undeterred by the law, or by public opinion `" which connives at, if it does not inspire, the deeds of lawless violence. Legislatures of states have framed a code of laws which is more cruel and unjust than any enforced by a former slave state. The right of franchise has been practically annulled in every one of the former slave states, in not one of which, today, can a man vote, think, or act as he pleases. He must conform his views to the views of the men who have usurped every function of government `" who, at the point of the dagger, and with shotgun, have made themselves masters in defiance of every law or precedent in our history as a government. They have usurped government with the weapons of the cowards and assassins, and they maintain themselves in power by the most approved practices of the most odious of tyrants. These men have shed as much innocent blood as the bloody triumvirate of Rome. Today, red handed murderers and assassins sit in the high places of power, and bask in the smiles of innocence and beauty. The only solution the Civil War provided, according to Fortune, was to the problem of:

  1. mutually destructive war
  2. protection
  3. slavery
  4. secession
  5. constitutional rights

Answer(s): C

Explanation:

Justification
The passage explicitly states that “The war of the Rebellion settled only one question: It forever settled the question of chattel slavery in this country.” Fortune argues that, although the war ended legal ownership of people, it left many other injustices untouched. The question asks for “the only solution the Civil War provided… according to Fortune.” The only problem he identifies as being solved by the war is the institution of slavery itself; all other issues (protection, secession, constitutional rights, etc.) remain unresolved. Option C – slavery matches this direct textual reference. Option A – mutually destructive war misrepresents the focus; the war is not presented as a solution but as a context in which slavery was settled. Option B – protection is mentioned later in the essay as an unmet need, not as something the war solved. Option D – secession is treated as an unresolved constitutional question, not a problem solved by the war. Option E – constitutional rights is too broad; Fortune specifically singles out slavery as the single issue definitively settled, while other rights remain contested.


Reference:

Library of Congress – “T. Thomas Fortune Papers, 1880-1928” (digital collection): https://www.loc.gov/item/mss15478/ National Archives – “The Negro and the Nation” full text (1884 essay): https://www.archives.gov/publications/negro-and-the-nation.pdf



  PDF
Viewing page 12 of 117
Viewing questions 89 - 96 out of 930 questions


Post your Comments and Discuss Test Prep SAT Test exam prep with other Community members:

AI Tutor AI Tutor 👋 I’m here to help!