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Scholastic Assessment Test: Reading, Writing and Language, Mathematics (Page 13 )

He was born a slave, but T. Thomas Fortune (1856`"1928) went on to become a journalist, editor, and civil rights activist, founding several early black newspapers and a civil rights organization that predated W. E. B. DuBois' Niagara Movement (later the NAACP). Like many black leaders of his time, Fortune was torn between the radical leanings of DuBois and the more conservative ideology of Booker T. Washington. This 1884 essay, `The Negro and the Nation,` dates from his more militant period. The war of the Rebellion settled only one question: It forever settled the question of chattel slavery in this country. It forever choked the life out of the infamy of the Constitutional right of one man to rob another, by purchase of his person, or of his honest share of the produce of his own labor. But this was the only question permanently and irrevocably settled. Nor was this the all-absorbing question involved. The right of a state to secede from the socalled Union remains where it was when the treasonable shot upon Fort Sumter aroused the people to all the horrors of internecine war. And the measure of protection which the national government owes the individual members of states, a right imposed upon it by the adoption of the Fourteenth Amendment to the Constitution, remains still to be affirmed. It was not sufficient that the federal government should expend its blood and treasure to unfetter the limbs of four millions of people. There can be a slavery more odious, more galling, than mere chattel slavery. It has been declared to be an act of charity to enforce ignorance upon the slave, since to inform his intelligence would simply be to make his unnatural lot all the more unbearable. Instance the miserable existence of ֳ †sop, the great black moralist. But this is just what the manumission of the black people of this country try has accomplished. They are more absolutely under the control of the Southern whites; they are more systematically robbed of their labor; they are more poorly housed, clothed and fed, than under the slave r ֳ ©gime; and they enjoy, practically, less of the protection of the laws of the state or of the federal government.
When they appeal to the federal government they are told by the Supreme Court to go to the state authorities `" as if they would have appealed to the one had the other given them that protection to which their sovereign citizenship entitles them! Practically, there is no law in the United States which extends its protecting arm over the black man and his rights. He is, like the Irishman in Ireland, an alien in his native land. There is no central or auxiliary authority to which he can appeal for protection.
Wherever he turns he finds the strong arm of constituted authority powerless to protect him. The farmer and the merchant rob him with absolute immunity, and irresponsible ruffians murder him without fear of punishment, undeterred by the law, or by public opinion `" which connives at, if it does not inspire, the deeds of lawless violence. Legislatures of states have framed a code of laws which is more cruel and unjust than any enforced by a former slave state. The right of franchise has been practically annulled in every one of the former slave states, in not one of which, today, can a man vote, think, or act as he pleases. He must conform his views to the views of the men who have usurped every function of government `" who, at the point of the dagger, and with shotgun, have made themselves masters in defiance of every law or precedent in our history as a government. They have usurped government with the weapons of the cowards and assassins, and they maintain themselves in power by the most approved practices of the most odious of tyrants. These men have shed as much innocent blood as the bloody triumvirate of Rome. Today, red handed murderers and assassins sit in the high places of power, and bask in the smiles of innocence and beauty. The word manumission (3rd paragraph) means:

He was born a slave, but T. Thomas Fortune (1856`"1928) went on to become a journalist, editor, and civil rights activist, founding several early black newspapers and a civil rights organization that predated W. E. B. DuBois' Niagara Movement (later the NAACP). Like many black leaders of his time, Fortune was torn between the radical leanings of DuBois and the more conservative ideology of Booker T. Washington. This 1884 essay, `The Negro and the Nation,` dates from his more militant period. The war of the Rebellion settled only one question: It forever settled the question of chattel slavery in this country. It forever choked the life out of the infamy of the Constitutional right of one man to rob another, by purchase of his person, or of his honest share of the produce of his own labor. But this was the only question permanently and irrevocably settled. Nor was this the all-absorbing question involved. The right of a state to secede from the socalled Union remains where it was when the treasonable shot upon Fort Sumter aroused the people to all the horrors of internecine war. And the measure of protection which the national government owes the individual members of states, a right imposed upon it by the adoption of the Fourteenth Amendment to the Constitution, remains still to be affirmed. It was not sufficient that the federal government should expend its blood and treasure to unfetter the limbs of four millions of people. There can be a slavery more odious, more galling, than mere chattel slavery. It has been declared to be an act of charity to enforce ignorance upon the slave, since to inform his intelligence would simply be to make his unnatural lot all the more unbearable. Instance the miserable existence of ֳ †sop, the great black moralist. But this is just what the manumission of the black people of this country try has accomplished. They are more absolutely under the control of the Southern whites; they are more systematically robbed of their labor; they are more poorly housed, clothed and fed, than under the slave r ֳ ©gime; and they enjoy, practically, less of the protection of the laws of the state or of the federal government.
When they appeal to the federal government they are told by the Supreme Court to go to the state authorities `" as if they would have appealed to the one had the other given them that protection to which their sovereign citizenship entitles them! Practically, there is no law in the United States which extends its protecting arm over the black man and his rights. He is, like the Irishman in Ireland, an alien in his native land. There is no central or auxiliary authority to which he can appeal for protection.
Wherever he turns he finds the strong arm of constituted authority powerless to protect him. The farmer and the merchant rob him with absolute immunity, and irresponsible ruffians murder him without fear of punishment, undeterred by the law, or by public opinion `" which connives at, if it does not inspire, the deeds of lawless violence. Legislatures of states have framed a code of laws which is more cruel and unjust than any enforced by a former slave state. The right of franchise has been practically annulled in every one of the former slave states, in not one of which,
today, can a man vote, think, or act as he pleases. He must conform his views to the views of the men who have usurped every function of government `" who, at the point of the dagger, and with shotgun, have made themselves masters in defiance of every law or precedent in our history as a government. They have usurped government with the weapons of the cowards and assassins, and they maintain themselves in power by the most approved practices of the most odious of tyrants. These men have shed as much innocent blood as the bloody triumvirate of Rome. Today, red handed murderers and assassins sit in the high places of power, and bask in the smiles of innocence and beauty. Now that slavery has been abolished, Fortune believes, black people:

He was born a slave, but T. Thomas Fortune (1856`"1928) went on to become a journalist, editor, and civil rights activist, founding several early black newspapers and a civil rights organization that predated W. E. B. DuBois' Niagara Movement (later the NAACP). Like many black leaders of his time, Fortune was torn between the radical leanings of DuBois and the more conservative ideology of Booker T. Washington. This 1884 essay, `The Negro and the Nation,` dates from his more militant period. The war of the Rebellion settled only one question: It forever settled the question of chattel slavery in this country. It forever choked the life out of the infamy of the Constitutional right of one man to rob another, by purchase of his person, or of his honest share of the produce of his own labor. But this was the only question permanently and irrevocably settled. Nor was this the all-absorbing question involved. The right of a state to secede from the socalled Union remains where it was when the treasonable shot upon Fort Sumter aroused the people to all the horrors of internecine war. And the measure of protection which the national government owes the individual members of states, a right imposed upon it by the adoption of the Fourteenth Amendment to the Constitution, remains still to be affirmed. It was not sufficient that the federal government should expend its blood and treasure to unfetter the limbs of four millions of people. There can be a slavery more odious, more galling, than mere chattel slavery. It has been declared to be an act of charity to enforce ignorance upon the slave, since to inform his intelligence would simply be to make his unnatural lot all the more unbearable. Instance the miserable existence of ֳ †sop, the great black moralist. But this is just what the manumission of the black people of this country try has accomplished. They are more absolutely under the control of the Southern whites; they are more systematically robbed of their labor; they are more poorly housed, clothed and fed, than under the slave r ֳ ©gime; and they enjoy, practically, less of the protection of the laws of the state or of the federal government.
When they appeal to the federal government they are told by the Supreme Court to go to the state authorities `" as if they would have appealed to the one had the other given them that protection to which their sovereign citizenship entitles them! Practically, there is no law in the United States which extends its protecting arm over the black man and his rights. He is, like the Irishman in Ireland, an alien in his native land. There is no central or auxiliary authority to which he can appeal for protection.
Wherever he turns he finds the strong arm of constituted authority powerless to protect him. The farmer and the merchant rob him with absolute immunity, and irresponsible ruffians murder him without fear of punishment, undeterred by the law, or by public opinion `" which connives at, if it does not inspire, the deeds of lawless violence. Legislatures of states have framed a code of laws which is more cruel and unjust than any enforced by a former slave state. The right of franchise has been practically annulled in every one of the former slave states, in not one of which, today, can a man vote, think, or act as he pleases. He must conform his views to the views of the men who have usurped every function of government `" who, at the point of the dagger, and with shotgun, have made themselves masters in defiance of every law or precedent in our history as a government. They have usurped government with the weapons of the cowards and assassins, and they maintain themselves in power by the most approved practices of the most odious of tyrants. These men have shed as much innocent blood as the bloody triumvirate of Rome. Today, red handed murderers and assassins sit in the high places of power, and bask in the smiles of innocence and beauty. Fortune uses the example of the Irishman to show that:

Musical notes, like all sounds, are a result of the sound waves created by movement, like the rush of air through a trumpet. Musical notes are very regular sound waves. The qualities of these waves `" how much they displace molecules, and how often they do so `" give the note its particular sound. How much a sound wave displaces molecules affects the volume of the note. How frequently a sound wave reaches your ear determines whether the note is high or low pitched.
When scientists describe how high or low a sound is, they use a numerical measurement of its frequency, such as `440 vibrations per second,` rather than the letters musicians use. In this passage, musical notes are used primarily to:

Musical notes, like all sounds, are a result of the sound waves created by movement, like the rush of air through a trumpet. Musical notes are very regular sound waves. The qualities of these waves `" how much they displace molecules, and how often they do so `" give the note its particular sound. How much a sound wave displaces molecules affects the volume of the note. How frequently a sound wave reaches your ear determines whether the note is high or low pitched.
When scientists describe how high or low a sound is, they use a numerical measurement of its frequency, such as `440 vibrations per second,` rather than the letters musicians use. All of the following are true statements about pitch, according to the passage, EXCEPT:

Margaret Walker, who would become one of the most important twentieth century African-American poets, was born in Birmingham, Alabama, in 1915. Her parents, a minister and a music teacher, encouraged her to read poetry and philosophy even as a child. Walker completed her high school education at Gilbert Academy in New Orleans and went on to attend New Orleans University for two years. It was then that the important Harlem Renaissance poet Langston Hughes recognized her talent and persuaded her to continue her education in the North. She transferred to Northwestern University in Illinois, where she received a degree in English in 1935. Her poem, `For My People,` which would remain one of her most important works, was also her first publication, appearing in Poetry magazine in 1937. The passage cites Walker's interaction with Langston Hughes as:

Margaret Walker, who would become one of the most important twentieth century African-American poets, was born in Birmingham, Alabama, in 1915. Her parents, a minister and a music teacher, encouraged her to read poetry and philosophy even as a child. Walker completed her high school education at Gilbert Academy in New Orleans and went on to attend New Orleans University for two years. It was then that the important Harlem Renaissance poet Langston Hughes recognized her talent and persuaded her to continue her education in the North. She transferred to Northwestern University in Illinois, where she received a degree in English in 1935. Her poem, `For My People,` which would remain one of her most important works, was also her first publication, appearing in Poetry magazine in 1937. The passage suggests that Walker's decision to become a poet:

F Scott Fitzgerald was a prominent American writer of the twentieth century. This passage comes from one of his short stories and tells the story of a young John Unger leaving home for boarding school. John T. Unger came from a family that had been well known in Hades a small town on the Mississippi River for several generations. John's father had held the amateur golf championship through many a heated contest; Mrs. Unger was known `from hot-box to hot-bed,` as the local phrase went, for her political addresses; and young John T. Unger, who had just turned sixteen, had danced all the latest dances from New York before he put on long trousers. And now, for a certain time, he was to be away from home. That respect for a New England education which is the bane of all provincial places, which drains them yearly of their most promising young men, had seized upon his parents. Nothing would suit them but that he should go to St. Midas's School near Boston `" Hades was too small to hold their darling and gifted son. Now in Hades `" as you know if you ever have been there the names of the more fashionable preparatory schools and colleges mean very little. The inhabitants have been so long out of the world that, though they make a show of keeping up-to-date in dress and manners and literature, they depend to a great extent on hearsay, and a function that in Hades would be considered elaborate would doubtless be hailed by a Chicago beef-princess as `perhaps a little tacky.` John T. Unger was on the eve of departure. Mrs. Unger, with maternal fatuity, packed his trunks full of linen suits and electric fans, and Mr. Unger presented his son with an asbestos pocket-book stuffed with money. `Remember, you are always welcome here,` he said. `You can be sure, boy, that we'll keep the home fires burning.` `I know,` answered John huskily. `Don't forget who you are and where you come from,` continued his father proudly, `and you can do nothing to harm you. You are an Unger `" from Hades.` So the old man and the young shook hands, and John walked away with tears streaming from his eyes. Ten minutes later he had passed outside the city limits and he stopped to glance back for the last time. Over the gates the old-fashioned Victorian motto seemed strangely attractive to him. His father had tried time and time again to have it changed to something with a little more push and verve about it, such as `Hades `" Your Opportunity,` or else a plain `Welcome` sign set over a hearty handshake pricked out in electric lights. The old motto was a little depressing, Mr. Unger had thought `" but now. So John took his look and then set his face resolutely toward his destination. And, as he turned away, the lights of Hades against the sky seemed full of a warm and passionate beauty. The tone of sentence `their darling and gifted son` can best be described as: